In 2015, the state budget introduced by Gov. Gina M. Raimondo sailed through the Rhode Island legislative chambers in what many described as record time.
In a matter of hours, the new governor and legislative leaders moved in tandem to create economic-development reforms aimed at new jobs and attracting companies to Rhode Island.
They seemed then to be on the same page. Not anymore.
While they all share the same political party, the three top Democrats in the state are at odds on everything from how to attract new employers to whether to legalize recreational marijuana.
In 2019, after the General Assembly said it had the authority to set rules for medical-marijuana dispensaries, the governor filed a lawsuit that named both House Speaker Nicholas A. Mattiello and Senate President Dominick J. Ruggerio, and challenged their authority to oversee what she regards as an administration issue.
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House Speaker Nicholas A. Mattiello[/caption]
A few more examples:
• Mattiello objected to a deal negotiated by the administration, and largely approved by the Senate, on how to keep the Pawtucket Red Sox in Rhode Island. After a revised House version was approved, the team owners pulled out and announced the team would be moved to Worcester, Mass.
• Last year, Raimondo tried to alter the phaseout of the car tax championed by Mattiello, by stretching out the planned reduction over several more years. The House wasn’t having it.
• More recently, in December, Raimondo said she planned to reintroduce a proposal to legalize recreational marijuana, which had not gained approval in the 2019 session. Within days, Ruggerio and Mattiello said it wouldn’t be considered.
• On the budget, while Raimondo has yet to specify how she plans to boost state revenue, Mattiello has said tax increases should not be in the mix. In late December, he said: “Any tax increase she may propose will be looked at skeptically.”
Is this normal political disagreement or a sign of growing conflict?
Raimondo downplayed the division when she was asked whether her working relationship with Mattiello had fractured.
“I feel like there is always a natural tension. It’s not personal,” she told PBN. “Actually, we agree on more than we disagree. I want to make sure Rhode Islanders have good jobs, good education, job training. I’m going to advocate for what I think is important.”
Mattiello, asked about his relationship with Raimondo, said in a written response that he had not spoken recently with her about the budget.
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Senate President Dominick J. Ruggerio[/caption]
Ruggerio, meanwhile, said by email that the three of them can always work together.
“I believe I have an excellent relationship with both the governor and the speaker,” Ruggerio said. “I look forward to working together with them because it is through collaboration that we are going to make important progress for our state.”
All three are Democrats. But political observers and lobbyists say it’s the structure of the government in Rhode Island, as much as party differences, that can account for infighting.
Laurie White, who leads the Greater Providence Chamber of Commerce, said she’s seen the same dynamic with different leaders over the years. “There are three very strong players and two branches of government,” she said. “And within the legislative branch, two houses. The push and pull and the dynamic around preferences and priorities is something that is a perennial issue. And I don’t think it’s anything to worry about.”
Wendy Schiller, a professor of political science at Brown University, said the balance of power between the governor and legislature comes at the expense of the governor.
“That has always caused difficulties in governing whether they shared the same party affiliation or not because the governor will necessarily have to make decisions that anger some part of the legislature when policies do not benefit all state districts equally,” she wrote in an email message.
Rhode Island, in this sense, is not an outlier. Across the country, conflict is becoming more common within state government, and specifically between legislatures and the executive.
“In cases of divided party control, we are seeing more assertions of legislative authority across the country, in states [such as] Wisconsin and North Carolina, where the legislature is controlled by Republicans and the governor is a Democrat,” Schiller said.
‘The dynamic around preferences and priorities is something that is a perennial issue.’
LAURIE WHITE, Greater Providence Chamber of Commerce president
Maureen Moakley, a professor of political science at the University of Rhode Island, said conflict between the governor and the General Assembly leaders is not new. The fact that all three are Democrats doesn’t mean they don’t have policy differences, but she doesn’t see them that far apart on the spectrum.
The lack of a line-item veto for the governor puts the General Assembly at an advantage in disagreements over the budget.
In Rhode Island, which has a long history of Republican governors, there has always been tension at the Statehouse between the branches. “[Republican Gov. Donald L.] Carcieri fought with the legislature. [Republican Gov.] Lincoln [C.] Almond vetoed the budget three times and then just gave up because they kept overriding it,” Moakley said. “There’s always been this heft that the General Assembly enjoys. Even though they’re Democrats, they still have their differences.”
“I think they have some policy agreements. They’re both pragmatic people,” Moakley said of Mattiello and Raimondo. “The critical piece you have to remember is he has to run again, and she doesn’t. That’s the dynamic. That’s it.”
She views Raimondo as having grown bolder, particularly in filing the lawsuit seeking to overturn the General Assembly’s power on marijuana regulations. But policywise, Moakley doesn’t see them that far apart.
“She is a moderate Democrat. They have a lot in common, and they’ve got to balance the budget,” Moakley said.
Mary MacDonald is a PBN staff writer. Contact her at Macdonald@PBN.com.
